Living under siege

Living under siege
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Highlights

the extreme transience of power that holds within its fold; the helplessness of defeat and the elation of victory are all vignettes that remain ever fresh in my reflections as a journalist with the print and electronic media in Vijayawada. 

The release of Ram Gopal Varma’s ‘Vangaveeti’ takes us back to the time, when the political capital Vijayawada, which was abuzz with activities, came to a standstill for more than 40 days after the murder of Vangaveeti Mohana Ranga Rao in 1988. Gang warfare ensued soon, and arson, looting and murders became the order of the day.

Aruna Ravikumar, who was a journalist in Vijayawada at that time, witnessed the political turmoil. She recalls the infamous vendetta saga between Vangaveeti and Devineni, and gives us a peek into the life of the real Vangaveeti


Being at the scene of action, witnessing turmoil, rebellion; disasters both natural and engineered, and watching firsthand,

the extreme transience of power that holds within its fold; the helplessness of defeat and the elation of victory are all vignettes that remain ever fresh in my reflections as a journalist with the print and electronic media in Vijayawada.

Two poignant memories in both branches for me are those of unprecedented events that caused great upheaval and ushered in historical changes in the political firmament.

My career as a political journalist in the electronic media coincided with the ‘August coup’ in which the Telugu Desam party was split into two camps and had us shuttling between Viceroy Hotel (the present Marriott) and NT Rama Rao’s residence in Banjara Hills with N Chandrababu Naidu finally emerging as the Chief Minister amidst high drama.


The release of Ram Gopal Varma’s ‘Vangaveeti’ takes us back to the time, when the political capital Vijayawada, which was abuzz with activities, came to a standstill for more than 40 days after the murder of Vangaveeti Mohana Ranga Rao in 1988


The ‘December disaster’, which resulted in large-scale looting, violence, murder and mayhem in the coastal districts of Andhra Pradesh and the massive destruction of Vijayawada city that witnessed a 40-day curfew in the aftermath of the bloody violence is one that remains etched in memory from my early days as a print journalist.

Ram Gopal Varma is known for his penchant for controversies and fascination for the underworld. As he recreates a fictionalised version of this event on celluloid, one goes back in time to recall the atmosphere in the city that was notorious for its gang culture, caste wars, private justice (where disputes were settled outside the court by gang leaders), street wars and revenge killings.

The political capital of Andhra Pradesh in 1988 was in the vicious grip of gangsters, who inspired fear and scripted their own rules and dictated terms to all and sundry.

Youth selling tickets in black, petty thieves picking pockets, touts and thugs, who scared the locals built up a shady empire of crime from the auto stands and bus stops, where these gangs took shape in the early seventies.

The Communist Party of India Secretary, Chalasani Venkataratnam who headed the worker and student unions of communist-dominated Vijayawada had both the Vangaveeti and Devineni family members as close aides.

The equations between these groups, however, altered greatly when the Vangaveeti clan tried to gain a stronghold on the transport business dominated by Chalasani.

The murder of Chalasani Venkataratnam allegedly by Vangaveeti supporters in 1972, was the first of the many murders that were to define the ethos of the city.

The gruesome killing of the communist leader with over 72 stab wounds was a chilling indicator of the violent course charted by these gangs in their battle for supremacy.

The sordid tale of rivalry between the Devineni and Vangaveeti families became intense after the death of Chalasani Venkataratnam and proved to be their nemesis, resulting in death and destruction in both families.

Street fights, murder and mayhem became the order of the day as attacks on the streets and busy crossroads became a common sight.

Gangs chasing youth with knives and cycle chains was not unusual and I still recoil with horror at the memory of such scenes that I witnessed many a time on my way to work.

There were no women reporters in Vijayawada at that time, with most women journalists working at the desk, and I was constantly accompanied by my one of the two photographers on duty in our bureau,

who would constantly update me on the background of the local kingpin Devineni Rajasekhar (Nehru) and Vangaveeti Mohana Ranga Rao representing the Kamma and Kapu castes who were on the opposite sides of the political spectrum with Ranga in the Congress party and Rajasekhar aligning with the Telugu Desam.

They had both lost siblings in the vendetta that was being carried out for years with no end in sight. In this game, each hounded the other and the air was thick with suspense.

March 10 1988, the day I reported for work at Vijayawada was also a day when a bandh had been called in protest over the murder of Devineni Murali.

I was soon to learn about the deep animosity that ran between the two families and the parallel political careers of the main protagonists.

Ranga’s political career began in 1981 when he contested the municipal elections from Krishnalanka after the Congress party withdrew its official candidate.

His rise in the party was phenomenal and he became an undisputed leader of the Kapu community. He drew huge crowds in the Janachaitanya rally that he held in July 1988 campaigning against Chief Minister NT Rama Rao’s policies.

The rally attended by lakhs of people was a show of strength to counter the massive Mahanadu rally held by the Telugu Desam party in May that year.

The Telugu Desam party had groomed Nehru to counter Ranga’s growing popularity and he became an MLA and minister in the State government.

The battle lines were clearly drawn and Vangaveeti Mohana Ranga Rao, who was a local leader trying to carve out a domain through muscle power and rhetoric became firmly entrenched as a force to reckon with.

His house in Krishnalanka, where he held a special durbar solving disputes, intimidating opponents and securing speedy justice for his followers was fully fortified with his henchmen on duty round the clock.

That the puny man with his boyish looks could give sleepless nights to his opponents was difficult to imagine by any stretch of the imagination.

As he went about taking on the government, exposing police brutalities and deaths in police custody he earned a lot of admirers in his community who became loyal followers and ardent admirers.

His constant bickering with another party leader Siris Raju was also much reported during this period. Ranga’s power was such that he could win elections while in jail and act against opponents without being physically present at the scene of action.

Despite Ranga’s wife Ratnakumari belonging to the Kamma caste, there was no let up in tension between the two caste groups.

Power and control were key issues but one could not rule out the caste factor with Kapus simmering with discontent over key government posts being held by Kammas under NTR’s watchful eyes.

In December 1988 Vangaveeti Mohana Ranga Rao sat on a fast under a shamiana near Raghaviah Park guarded by two gunmen and his followers, when his rivals dressed as Ayyappa devotees attacked him even as the gunmen watched helplessly according to eye witnesses.

Hours after the silent holy night of Christmas, unholy cries of murder and revenge filled the air. In the arson, looting and large-scale violence, which was unseen in the history of the State.

The coastal districts of Andhra Pradesh resembled a battlefield. Offices, homes, businesses and shops belonging to the Kamma community were burnt down.

The entire market on Besant Road was razed to the ground as were theatres belonging to the Chief Minister’s brother.

Property worth 100 crore was destroyed and many innocent people lost their lives in the mob fury that was clearly beyond reason.

As I rushed to work I found that portion of the Eenadu office, where I worked was set on fire and we were all moved to a makeshift room that was safe from the mobs.

The days that followed the murder were nightmarish. Trains were stopped, passengers were stranded and many villages where caste divisions were firmly entrenched burnt for days.

Villages like Jayapuram, which I visited along with a delegation of the Editor’s Guild, were annihilated. Women, children and the elderly, all bore the brunt of the event with none being spared.

In the aftermath of the violence, women employees were sent home with police protection. The 40-day curfew period was truly a period of mourning.

There was an eerie silence with policemen everywhere and the whole city resembled a graveyard. People had looted TV sets, refrigerators, radios and all that they could lay their hands on.

Many expensive pieces of furniture were dumped in the canals that traverse the Vijayawada city. Several men wielding sticks did night patrolling in colonies fearing attacks on their homes. Fear was the keyword. Several heads rolled.

The Home Minister Kodela Sivaprasada Rao resigned and so did the Director General of Police. Devineni Nehru was asked to surrender by the Chief Minister.

Another bloody act in the state’s macabre act of power politics was played out with deadly effect. The bloodbath and trail of bitterness left behind took a long time to subside.

With time and changing power equations the gang wars that gained notoriety ended. The spirit of the city remained unbroken.

The shops on Besant Road sprang back to life and from their charred remains modern buildings showing no trace of the past filled the landscape.

The spine of the local goons was broken and stories of revenge and retribution remained in the realm of the unreal.

The attempt to reopen old scars and analyse forgotten heroes and villains through the fictional lens may not be viewed with the old emotion hopefully.

If it does not create any ripples we can assume that people have matured to a reasonable state where they can separate fact from fiction and the reel from the real.

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