The ‘family first’ politics must end

Bihar’s record voter turnout in this election may have showcased the strength of India’s democracy, but it also exposed its deepest weakness — the stranglehold of dynastic politics. From RJD to Congress and even new entrants promising “clean politics,” family rule remains the default setting. The result is a democracy run like a private enterprise, where lineage trumps leadership and slogans replace substance. As parties exploit caste and religion to mask their failures, the promise of real change keeps slipping away. Unless India’s youth challenge this family-first culture and reclaim politics through merit and morality, the nation will continue to oscillate endlessly between Vikas and Badlav, never finding genuine Parivartan.

Round one of the Bihar Assembly elections is over. The fate of 1,314 candidates across 121 seats is now sealed in the EVMs. The second phase for 122 seats will be held on November 11, and the results will be announced on November 14.

This year’s voter turnout stood at 65 per cent-the highest in Bihar’s electoral history. While the NDA hails it as a vote for vikas (development), the Mahagathbandhan insists it is a vote for badlav (change). The Election Commission of India (ECI) called it “a victory for democracy,” and Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar lauded Bihar for showing the way through the Systematic Inclusive Registration (SIR) initiative, even as Tamil Nadu has gone to the Supreme Court opposing the programme.

But beyond numbers and claims, this election offers crucial lessons about Bihar — and India’s — political culture.

Every party, old or new, promises “change”. Yet, when it comes to practice, none are different. Take the Jan Suraj party, contesting its first election on the plank of “new politics.” Its candidate list included several with criminal backgrounds — one of whom was even killed by a rival gang during campaign.

Even 75 years after Independence, Bihar’s political DNA remains trapped in a cycle of criminalisation, caste, and dynasticism. Parties that promise transformation end up replicating the same rot.

Politics in Bihar — and India — has become a family business. Power flows not from merit but from the surname and social privilege. Around 26 per cent of the outgoing Bihar Assembly belongs to political families. In the RJD, the number is even higher — about 42 per cent of its MLAs are said to be dynasts.

Defenders of dynasticism ask, “What’s wrong if a politician’s son or daughter becomes an MLA or MP?” The problem is not about the lineage but the feudal mindset it perpetuates. Birth becomes a privilege, not a responsibility. It breeds entitlement, weakens meritocracy, and creates an informal hierarchy where loyalty to the family outweighs loyalty to the people.

The Congress is a textbook example. The party has a “president,” but everyone knows who the high command is. No spokesperson dares say that decisions rest with Sonia or Rahul Gandhi, even though it’s common knowledge. What, then, is the party president — a leader or a rubber stamp?

The BJP too is not entirely free of family politics. But unlike other parties, dynasts in the BJP don’t wield unchecked control over the organisation. They are subject to the party’s discipline and hierarchy — a key difference.

Every opposition leader accuses the BJP of being “communal” while branding themselves as “secular.” But scratch the surface, and you’ll find that few understand what secularism truly means.

For many, secularism is reduced to tokenism — wearing a skull cap at a function or offering selective outrage. True secularism lies in equal respect for all faiths, not in appeasing one and mocking another.

Take ‘Vande Mataram’. Some leaders from the Congress, SP and other parties like AIMIM still refuse to sing it, citing distorted interpretations of its lyrics — an attitude that dates back to the Congress’s 1937 decision to drop certain lines under pressure from a section of Muslim leaders. None of today’s self-proclaimed secular leaders have the courage to explain the song’s real spirit — one that inspired millions during the freedom struggle just because they still believe in politics of appeasement though Muslims and other minorities have proved that they are not goats to blindly vote on the basis of caste or religion.

The double standards are glaring. Hindu girls wearing earrings or small chains are barred from exam halls in some states, but no one protests. However, if a Muslim girl is asked to remove her veil for identification, there’s an uproar.

The same hypocrisy is seen in the way some leaders demonise Sanatana Dharma — a philosophy of duty, righteousness, and balance rooted in science and harmony with nature. Congress, RJD, and TMC leaders have compared it to “Covid” and “dengue,” vowing to “eradicate” it. This is not secularism — its selective intolerance dressed as progressivism.

Every party claims to champion “young blood,” yet when tickets are distributed, it’s the same outdated, regressive leaders who corner the seats. Youth are asked to clap, canvass, and campaign — not lead.

Politics in Bihar continues to run on caste equations, money power, and muscle strength. Ideology is replaced by arithmetic. Parties claim to be “value-based,” but their actions betray a deep cynicism — where winning matters more than principles.

The tragedy is that India’s youth have accepted this as normal. The result: fresh energy and new ideas are blocked by an ageing political elite obsessed with power preservation.

All parties today speak the language of inclusion, yet their actions prove that India’s democracy is far from immune to khatra. The danger is not from any external threat but from within — from leaders who place family above nation.

When politics becomes inheritance and ideology becomes convenience, governance suffers. The electorate is reduced to vote banks, divided by caste, religion, and freebies.

The fast-growing freebie culture is another symptom of this disease. Offering doles instead of development, and subsidies instead of self-reliance, has become the new political currency. It weakens institutions, discourages hard work, and converts citizens into dependents.

The cure for this malaise lies not in slogans but in citizens — especially the youth — refusing to play along. Young Indians must rise above caste and religion-based politics, enter public life with purpose, and reclaim democracy from the clutches of dynasts and dealers.

Political renewal will not come from the top. It will come when voters stop selling their votes for crisp notes, stop being silent spectators, and start holding leaders accountable.

The Election Commission called this election “a victory for democracy.” It will truly be one only when Bihar’s record turnout translates into record accountability.

Democracy cannot survive on symbolism. It needs substance — leaders who serve, not rule; parties that build, not divide; and voters who think, not trade.

Until that happens, Bihar — and India — will keep oscillating between Vikas and Badlav, without ever finding true Parivartan.

(The author is former Chief Editor of The Hans India)