This sharp and unsparing analysis argues that the INDIA bloc—and the Congress in particular—is trapped in a web of self-inflicted contradictions. Despite repeated electoral setbacks, the opposition refuses to recalibrate, clinging to rejected narratives on EVMs, identity politics and foreign validation. From its shrinking geographic footprint to selective outrage on ideology, Parliament disruptions, and confused leadership signals around the Gandhi family, Congress appears increasingly disconnected from voter reality. It contends that without institutional respect, internal candour and strategic humility, opposition politics risks stagnation—not renewal

The INDIA bloc in general, and the Indian National Congress in particular, today finds itself trapped not by a lack of issues, but by a surplus of contradictions. In the wake of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections and successive Assembly setbacks, the Opposition stands at a genuine crossroads.

Yet instead of recalibrating strategy or reconnecting with voter sentiment, it appears determined to double down on narratives the electorate has already rejected. The result is not resistance, but drift — not renewal, but repetition.

This disconnect from ground realities is now unmistakable. Congress enters 2026 continuing primarily as a BJP-baiting force rather than a credible alternative, it risks stagnating around its current numbers, perhaps inching up marginally to 95–98 seats — a cosmetic improvement that masks a deeper strategic failure.

The geographical picture is grim. In Tamil Nadu, the so-called grand old party is virtually non-existent, surviving electorally only as a junior appendage within the DMK-led alliance. In West Bengal, despite rhetorical bravado, Congress is a non-starter; the real contest is squarely between Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress and the BJP.

In Assam, Congress may retain some competitiveness, but largely by leaning heavily on minority consolidation and the votes of illegal immigrants from Bangladesh — a strategy that raises uncomfortable ethical and political questions while offering little long-term viability.

More damaging than geography, however, is ideology. The opposition ecosystem remains conspicuously silent when Sanatana Dharma is mocked, caricatured or attacked, yet expresses instant outrage when figures such as Umar Khalid who have been jailed in the Delhi riots conspiracy case since 2020 are discussed. This selective moralism reinforces the perception that Congress is no longer guided by a coherent worldview, but by ideological convenience and activist fashion.

The pattern extends to foreign validation. Congress leaders cite statements by eight US lawmakers, including Zohran Mamdani — who has publicly supported Umar Khalid, Gulfisha Fatima and Sharjeel Imam, all accused in the Delhi riots conspiracy case and jailed since 2020.

On December 10, 2025, the Supreme Court reserved its decision on their bail. Mamdani nevertheless issued statements expressing “concern”. What right does any foreign legislator have to comment on India’s internal judicial processes — and why should Indian opposition parties amplify such interventions?

Nowhere is this disconnect clearer than in the debate over Electronic Voting Machines and the recycled “Vote Chori” narrative. A post-2024 survey conducted by the Election Commission in Karnataka — and published by the Congress-led Siddaramaiah government — revealed that an overwhelming majority of citizens believe elections are free, fair and that EVMs are reliable. This was not BJP propaganda. It was data emerging from a Congress-ruled state.

Yet the party’s response was revealing. Senior leader Udit Raj argued that even if “one per cent” of people question EVMs, India must revert to paper ballots. This is not scepticism; it is strategic obstinacy. Democracies do not function on the premise that overwhelming public confidence must be overridden to appease a permanently aggrieved minority.

When the janata signals trust in institutions, but a political party insists on questioning them regardless, the credibility deficit no longer lies with the institution — it lies with the party.

Worse, Congress appears unwilling to rid itself of cheerleaders who merely echo what the top leadership feels, refusing to call a spade a spade. A party that punishes internal candour while rewarding blind loyalty cannot hope to govern a complex democracy. This is not merely a Congress problem; it is a sad commentary on the health of opposition politics in India.

The contradictions deepen when identity politics enter the frame. Congress routinely accuses the BJP of communal polarisation, yet when elections approach, Rahul Gandhi is subtly projected as Rama.

Temple visits are choreographed, religious symbols are embraced, and leaders publicly describe themselves as “Janevu-dhari Brahmins.” What is this if not hypocrisy? If faith is legitimate as lived belief, it cannot simultaneously be dismissed as political poison when practised by opponents.

Even more troubling is the claim that minorities are under systematic persecution in India, juxtaposed with the casual rationalisation of violence against Hindus in Bangladesh. Congress and allied voices have argued that recent lynchings and attacks there are a “reaction” to India granting asylum to the ousted Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina. Is that the justification now — that Indians can be lynched and burnt alive as geopolitical retribution?

Such claims may resonate in activist circles abroad, but domestically they reinforce the impression that Congress increasingly seeks external validation instead of internal renewal. Voters notice when outrage appears selective and sovereignty negotiable.

Parliamentary conduct has only widened this credibility gap. The opposition’s repeated strategy of blocking proceedings, followed by accusations that the government is silencing debate, has become ritualistic. Consider air pollution — arguably the gravest public health crisis facing urban India. Delhi’s worsening AQI deserved sustained parliamentary scrutiny. Pollution is not Delhi’s monopoly. Hyderabad, Mumbai, Ahmedabad, and large swathes of the Indo-Gangetic belt are choking.

The degradation of the Aravalli range threatens ecological collapse across northern India. These were issues demanding serious, uninterrupted debate. Instead, they became collateral damage in a politics of disruption, with blame traded and opportunity lost.

Against this backdrop of strategic confusion, Congress’s leadership question has resurfaced — inevitably centring on Priyanka Gandhi Vadra. Her political visibility has grown. She is active in organisational outreach, increasingly present in national debates, and projected as a combative, empathetic voice. In a party starved of energy, her rise is not accidental. Yet prominence is not power. Rahul Gandhi remains the de facto national face of the party and Leader of the Opposition. His parliamentary visibility and coordination role within the INDIA bloc continue to anchor Congress’s national posture.

At the same time, quiet internal churn is undeniable — discussions about campaign effectiveness, organisational drift and whether the party’s messaging reflects voter reality.

Priyanka’s elevation to the top would demand consensus within the Congress Working Committee, assent from Sonia Gandhi, and strategic comfort from party president Mallikarjun Kharge. The Gandhi family’s imprint on Congress remains deep, shaping both decisions and hesitations.

Complicating matters are the long-pending cases involving Robert Vadra. These have been politically leveraged for years and will inevitably resurface if Priyanka’s role expands. But legal cases rarely determine internal party leadership; they merely supply ammunition in electoral combat.

A more plausible path is a dual-leadership model — Priyanka handling campaign strategy and mass outreach, Rahul retaining parliamentary and organisational leadership. This allows Congress to hedge its bets without triggering destabilising factional warfare.

Ultimately, even if Priyanka Gandhi Vadra’s stature grows between now and 2027, outright leadership will depend not on symbolism, sentiment or conspiracy narratives — but on whether Congress can demonstrate electoral credibility, institutional respect, and the humility to listen when the people have already spoken.

Until then, the opposition remains trapped — not by the BJP’s strength, but by its own unresolved contradictions.

(The author is former Chief Editor of The Hans India)