October 31, 1984: When Indira Fell to Bullets and Innocent Sikhs Paid the Price

October 31 is no ordinary date in India's history. It is a day that remains etched in the country's collective memory, not merely because a sitting Prime Minister was assassinated, but also because of the horrific violence that followed, targeting an entire community for the crime committed by two individuals.

It was around 9.10 am on October 31, 1984. Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, popularly known as the Iron Lady of India, was preparing to meet British actor and filmmaker Peter Ustinov for an interview. She was walking from her residence towards the adjoining office at 1, Akbar Road, when she was shot by two members of her security detail.

As she crossed a garden pathway, Beant Singh, a sub-inspector who had been part of her security team for several years, pulled out his revolver and fired at her. Satwant Singh, a constable who had joined the security team more recently, then opened fire with his carbine.

According to the judicial account, Beant Singh fired five rounds, while Satwant Singh fired 25. Indira Gandhi collapsed on the pathway, sustaining multiple bullet injuries.

The other security personnel immediately overpowered the two assailants. Beant Singh was shot dead during the ensuing confrontation, while Satwant Singh survived and was arrested.

Indira Gandhi was rushed to the All-India Institute of Medical Sciences (AIIMS), where doctors made desperate efforts to save her. Despite emergency treatment, she succumbed to her injuries. The news of her death was formally announced later that day, sending shockwaves across the country.

The immediate question confronting the nation was why two members of her own security team had turned against her. The answer lay in the deep resentment generated by Operation Blue Star, the military operation ordered by Indira Gandhi in June 1984.

Operation Blue Star was launched to flush out Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his armed followers, who had fortified positions inside the Golden Temple complex in Amritsar. The Army's assault resulted in heavy casualties and extensive damage to the Akal Takht, one of Sikhism's most sacred institutions. The operation deeply hurt Sikh sentiments and triggered widespread anger within sections of the community.

But the story of Bhindranwale's rise has another, politically significant dimension. There have long been allegations that Congress leaders themselves helped promote him in their attempt to weaken the Akali Dal.

In the aftermath of the Emergency and Indira Gandhi's electoral defeat in 1977, the Akali Dal-Janata Party coalition came to power in Punjab. The Congress leadership was keen to regain political ground and weaken the Akali Dal, which enjoyed considerable influence among Sikhs.

Several historical accounts suggest that Sanjay Gandhi favoured promoting a hardline Sikh religious preacher who could challenge the Akali leadership. Giani Zail Singh, a prominent Congress leader and former Punjab Chief Minister, was also associated with this political strategy. Bhindranwale, who headed the Damdami Taksal, emerged as a suitable figure.

The association between Bhindranwale and Congress was not merely a matter of political speculation. During the 1980 Punjab Assembly elections, he reportedly campaigned for Congress candidates in three constituencies. According to journalists Mark Tully and Satish Jacob, some Congress candidates even displayed posters proclaiming his support. Bhindranwale also reportedly shared a public platform with Indira Gandhi during the election campaign.

What began as a political calculation, allegedly intended to undermine the Akalis, gradually took a different turn. Bhindranwale developed an independent following and increasingly adopted militant positions. His followers were linked to a series of violent incidents, including killings of political opponents and others and demanded separate Khalistan. By 1982–84, he had emerged as a major challenge to the Punjab government and the Centre.

The relationship between Congress and Bhindranwale eventually deteriorated, culminating in Operation Blue Star. In an account published by India Today in 2012, Kamal Nath, a close associate of Sanjay Gandhi, was quoted as saying: "We would give him money off and on, but we never thought he would turn into a terrorist."

The statement offers an insight into the political calculations that allegedly accompanied Bhindranwale's early rise. It also raises an uncomfortable question: did Congress leaders underestimate the consequences of the forces they were helping to nurture?

Following Operation Blue Star, intelligence agencies had reportedly warned of possible retaliation by Sikh extremists. There were also recommendations to review the deployment of Sikh personnel in the Prime Minister's security detail. Indira Gandhi, however, is said to have resisted such a move. The assassination on October 31 demonstrated the grave consequences of the security failure.

What followed was even more tragic. Indira Gandhi's assassination triggered an appalling wave of organised anti-Sikh violence in Delhi and several other parts of the country. Thousands of innocent Sikhs became targets of mobs. The violence remains one of the darkest and most shameful chapters in independent India's history.

Rajiv Gandhi, who succeeded his mother as Prime Minister, made a remark while reacting to the violence that continues to haunt public memory: "When a huge tree falls on the ground, the earth feels its tremors."

The remark was widely criticised for appearing to rationalise the violence that had engulfed the country.

I was in Delhi during those terrible days and witnessed the mayhem that followed. Sikh homes, shops, businesses and places of worship were attacked. Sikh men were dragged out of their houses, brutally beaten and killed. Many were burnt alive. Women and children were not spared either. The violence was not confined to Delhi; similar incidents were reported from Uttar Pradesh, Haryana, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh and several other places.

According to official estimates, approximately 3,350 Sikhs were killed across the country, including around 2,800 in Delhi. The violence continued unabated from November 1 to November 3. The police response during these crucial three days was widely criticised as inadequate, with serious allegations of inaction and complicity. The Army was eventually deployed more extensively to restore order.

The most disturbing aspect of the carnage was that the assassination of a Prime Minister by two individuals was used as a pretext to unleash violence against an entire community. Ordinary Sikh citizens, who had nothing whatsoever to do with the assassination, were made to pay with their lives, homes and livelihoods.

Several eyewitnesses, survivors and human rights organisations subsequently alleged that political leaders and local party workers had instigated mobs, identified Sikh households and facilitated attacks. These allegations became the subject of several inquiries and prolonged legal proceedings.

The Justice Ranganath Misra Commission, appointed in 1985, examined the violence. Later, the Justice G.T. Nanavati Commission, constituted in 2000, revisited the incidents and examined allegations of political involvement and administrative failure. Its report, submitted in 2005, discussed evidence against certain political figures and highlighted serious lapses in the response of the authorities.

The legal battle continued for years. Some prominent accused, including former Congress leader Sajjan Kumar, were eventually convicted in cases relating to the killings. Yet, for thousands of survivors, justice remained painfully delayed. Many alleged that those who organised or facilitated the violence had escaped accountability for decades.

October 31, 1984, therefore, must be remembered as more than the day a Prime Minister was assassinated. It was also the beginning of a tragedy in which political calculations, militancy, a security failure and communal hatred combined to produce devastating consequences.

Indira Gandhi's assassination was a crime that deserved the strongest condemnation. But no crime committed by individuals can ever justify collective punishment. The innocent Sikhs who were hunted down, killed and dispossessed had no responsibility for the actions of the two assassins.

The murder of a Prime Minister was a national tragedy. The killing of thousands of innocent citizens in its aftermath was an equally grave national disgrace. Both deserve to be remembered, and neither should ever be forgotten.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Gowri V

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A Journey of Three Decades Time passes faster than we realise. What feels like a journey that began only yesterday has today grown into more than three decades of a meaningful and fulfilling life devoted to education, journalism, and the empowerment of young minds. My professional journey began with journalism training in New Delhi in 1979. I went on to work as an independent journalist, drawing on my fluency in both English and Telugu. Over the years, I have edited and worked on Telugu articles in both languages, an experience that strengthened my command of language and sharpened my understanding of society, people, and contemporary issues. Yet, my principal profession and enduring passion have always been teaching. My decision to become a teacher was not merely a career choice—it was a calling. Teaching offered me the rare privilege of inspiring young minds, guiding them through their formative years, and making a lasting difference in their lives. I found immense satisfaction in simplifying complex concepts, nurturing curiosity, encouraging independent thought, and building confidence among students. Every moment in the classroom—every question, every moment of discovery, and every spark of understanding—reminded me why I had chosen this path: to empower young people through knowledge, values, and essential life skills. My teaching career began at the grassroots level as a Montessori teacher and gradually progressed to the position of Vice Principal. I had the opportunity to work in reputed educational institutions, including Dilsukhnagar Public School in Hyderabad, where I shouldered both teaching and administrative responsibilities. Although I have always considered myself, at heart, a teacher, my administrative experience enabled me to understand and contribute to the education system from a much broader perspective. For my students, I have always tried to be an approachable and dependable presence—someone they could turn to not only for academic support, but also for guidance and emotional encouragement. At the same time, I developed a reputation as a firm disciplinarian who believed that integrity, fairness, responsibility, and discipline were fundamental to education. I was also consistently appreciated for maintaining clear communication with parents and staff and for ensuring that examinations and other academic processes were conducted with transparency, fairness, and efficiency. As my career progressed, however, I began to feel that academic education alone was not enough. This realization led me to work more closely with students following the SSC and CBSE curricula, while consciously bringing life-skills education into my teaching. I came to understand that education becomes truly meaningful when it prepares children not merely to pass examinations, but to face life. Teaching emotional resilience, self-reliance, social awareness, communication, decision-making, and other practical life skills often had a deeper and more lasting impact than academic achievement alone. I saw how these skills could help students navigate challenges with greater confidence, maturity, and responsibility. My academic background provided a strong foundation for this approach. My degree in Psychology from the University of Madras helped me develop a deeper understanding of young people's minds, their emotional needs, and the influence of their family and social environments. My M.A. in Telugu with First Class from Osmania University.

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