Upper caste ethics and spirit of Samaikyandhra

The commodified ethics of upper caste run both Telangana and Samaikyandra movements and become curse for weaker sections of both regions. Regional unrest is broadly articulated on the lines of nationalities and cultural and economic spaces

It may be strange to believe that upper caste ethics are coming in the way of creating Telangana statehood. In the movement, the subjects and connotations of Andhra and Telangana are entirely different in each and every sphere excluding the leadership. It is from upper castes both sides and this commonality breaks process formation of statehood and leading to counter movement.

Interestingly, TSJAC or TRS under upper caste leadership announces a programme and a similar one is being adopted by the Andhra upper caste leaders like Lagadapati, Kavuri, Payyavula Keshav etc. Chandrababu and Jagan also imitate this method to a certain manifest extend but full in latent functioning.

Whatever the counter-strategy that is prepared by Seemandhra leaders is also being adopted by Telangana leaders. A classic instance is resignations and bandhs. However, the counter-movement is being copied by the Andhra leaders and the counter-strategy is being adopted by the Telangana leaders and vice-versa. So, one can infer that some sort of strategic exchange is taking place between upper castes of both regions irrespective of political parties, though it appears negative to each other.

When it comes to ideological struggle, only subalterns are always entitled towards smaller states. Congress and TDP are maintaining duality in this regard. BJP and YSRCP took new path to retain united Andhra Pradesh by invoking the counter-movement, although BJP is for separation but its prominent leader Venkaiah Naidu is reluctant as Jayaprakash Narayan. The reason could be one that to protect the interest of their community and its businesses.

In case of separation, the question who will dominate the Andhra state will be an issue. The clash among Rayalaseema Reddys, Andhra Kammas and Kapus is obvious. A serious caste war will be inevitable to control and hold hegemony over political economy.

In case of status quo, the dominated survive as a ‘falsified historic bloc’ against the real historic bloc of Dalit and Bahujans. Nevertheless, it is not taking place. The parochialism of regional identity gradually swallows generic identity and struggle of downtrodden and region will be opium for all sufferings, which never cure real sickness but acts as energizer to the upper castes.

Thus, the commodified ethics of upper caste run both Telangana and Samaikyandra movements and become curse for weaker sections of both regions. Regional unrest is broadly articulated on the lines of nationalities and cultural and economic spaces. The cultural differences and regional imbalances are further accentuated by the alliances among the upper castes.

The multi-faced uneven development is both historically determined and political enforced process. It is exclusively interrelated to the logic of capitalism of upper castes. Large linguistic states, as the experience of five decades shows, have strengthened the grip of dominant castes/classes of the advanced regions over economy, society and politics of the states. Hence, it is inevitable to form Telangana.

Andhra leaders claim that Telangana is already developed by them. If it is so, regionalism cannot be opiate unless there are unsatisfied longings which are not all on the material plane. Good food, soft cushion and fine raiment are not enough to satisfy the people. Unhappiness and discontent spring not only from poverty but sometimes also from development.

Andhra leaders always try to exert a powerful attraction, exalts to be united and expound a philosophy of capitalism. As a consequence, many of selfish and visionless leaders are lured into the trap of Samaikyandhra, majority are upper castes among them. Thus, upper castes ethics both in Andhra and Telangana regions make hindrances to formation of a long cherished dream of Telangana statehood.

(The writer is Assistant Professor, Department of Sociology, Osmania University, Hyderabad)