New Delhi: The recently concluded Voter Adhikar Yatra, organised by the Congress party and its INDIA alliance partners in Bihar, has stirred the state’s political waters just months before the 2025 Assembly elections. The march, launched from Sasaram on August 17 and culminating in a Padyatra in Patna on September 1, set out to highlight the opposition’s charge of “vote chori” and systemic denial of people’s electoral rights by the ruling NDA and the Election Commission.

To gauge its impact, a field survey was conducted across the Yatra’s route in Bihar between August 27 and September 8 by People’s Pulse, a Hyderabad-based political research agency. Teams employed systematic random sampling across 20 districts and dozens of constituencies, interacting with locals in natural settings to map sentiment. The findings paint a picture of enthusiasm, complaints, and deep-rooted caste loyalties that may ultimately decide the state’s political future. Across Bihar, the Yatra attracted large crowds. Villagers described it as a “celebration,” remarking that it was rare for a Gandhi family member to reach their doorsteps. Many respondents noted that people came on their own expense, primarily to see Rahul Gandhi and Tejashwi Yadav.

Even NDA supporters admitted the Yatra pulled numbers, though some upper-caste voters in pockets attempted to dismiss it as a flop. The excitement was not limited to rural belts; urban centers also witnessed charged gatherings, with locals waving Congress flags not seen in such strength for decades.

For the INDIA alliance, the Yatra has worked as a morale booster. Supporters across RJD, Congress, Left, and smaller allies such as VIP reported renewed enthusiasm. The campaign gave limited-reach allies like VIP and the Left a chance at pan-Bihar visibility. Tejashwi Yadav drew larger crowds in certain regions, but Rahul Gandhi’s charisma resonated more broadly. His image, especially among Dalits (minus Paswans) and Muslims, has improved, with many perceiving him as an honest leader. For these communities, he emerged as a safeguard of their interests. Interestingly, the Yatra also blunted the traction of Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraj campaign, which had been gaining momentum in parts of Bihar.

Despite the energy, dissatisfaction was evident. Many villagers complained that Rahul Gandhi passed through their towns without stopping, making the Yatra feel more like a “race” than an outreach.

In Bhagalpur’s Tetri village, locals said they could not meet or even glimpse him despite his overnight stay nearby. In Munger’s Ghorghat, Gandhi was scheduled to unveil a statue of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar but the cavalcade sped past. Route changes in Sultanganj left entire crowds waiting on the wrong road. In Narpatganj, the Yatra reached after midnight and left before dawn, leaving residents disappointed. The absence of Rahul Gandhi in Sheikhpura further fueled local superstition, as people linked it to a “curse” on the Gandhi family.

On the core issue of vote chori (systemic irregularities in results), public opinion was sharply divided. While Muslims, Yadavs, and INDIA alliance supporters embraced the charge, NDA voters dismissed it as fabricated. Even among alliance supporters, many could not clearly explain how the alleged fraud worked. The survey revealed that for most voters, bread-and-butter issues like jobs, development, caste equations, and candidate selection outweigh technical allegations.

The survey highlighted that the Yatra has not significantly altered entrenched caste-based voting behavior.

NDA’s base: Kurmis, large sections of EBCs, and women linked with JIVIKA schemes lean towards Nitish Kumar. Forward castes, Baniyas, and many Paswans are closer to BJP and Chirag Paswan.

INDIA’s base: Muslims and Yadavs remain strongly committed. CPI-ML influence pulls Dalits like Chamars and Harijans in pockets towards the alliance. Some Bhumihars and Brahmins support Congress, but largely due to influential local leaders. Divided communities: Kushwahas, Rajaks, and Bind-Mallahs show split loyalties. Interestingly, hardcore BJP supporters showed little affection for Nitish Kumar but voiced strong support for Chirag Paswan as a future leader.

Thus, while the Yatra has energised INDIA’s core supporters, it has failed to add new social groups to the bloc.

Among women voters, Nitish Kumar retains considerable goodwill due to prohibition policies and welfare programs like JIVIKA. Even women from the MY (Muslim–Yadav) bloc admitted that while they lean towards the INDIA alliance out of community loyalty, women from other castes are firmly with Nitish.

The survey emphasised that seat-sharing and ticket distribution will be critical. Respondents repeatedly stated that candidate choice matters more than slogans. Many EBC voters said they could back INDIA alliance if they receive adequate ticket representation. Lessons from Uttar Pradesh’s “PDA formula” (by Akhilesh Yadav, reducing Muslim–Yadav dominance in ticket distribution) were cited as relevant. However, observers warned that sidelining Yadavs in Bihar could backfire, given Tejashwi’s weaker grip on his base compared to Akhilesh in UP. The Voter Adhikar Yatra was successful in re-energizing opposition cadres, reviving Congress’s visibility, and rekindling memories of the Gandhi family in Bihar’s hinterland. It generated enthusiasm, gave smaller allies exposure, and reminded voters of the INDIA bloc’s presence. Yet, the assessment makes clear that the Yatra has not cracked Bihar’s deeply entrenched caste equations. Local candidate strength, caste arithmetic, and bread-and-butter issues will remain decisive in the 2025 Assembly elections.

For the INDIA alliance, the message is blunt: the Yatra lit a spark, but only strategic seat-sharing, careful ticket distribution, and sustained local engagement can convert that spark into electoral fire. The findings are part of an extensive impact assessment conducted by People’s Pulse, a Hyderabad-based political research agency