Bharat Ratna on PV: Better late than never

Bharat Ratna on PV: Better late than never
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Highlights

The Bharat Ratna is the highest civilian award of the Republic of India. Instituted on January 2, 1954, the award is conferred on people in recognition of exceptional service/performance, without distinction of race, occupation, position or sex. The intention of setting up this honour is highly appreciable. India has many people who deserve Bharat Ratna.

The Bharat Ratna is the highest civilian award of the Republic of India. Instituted on January 2, 1954, the award is conferred on people in recognition of exceptional service/performance, without distinction of race, occupation, position or sex. The intention of setting up this honour is highly appreciable. India has many people who deserve Bharat Ratna. But the question is, are people with exceptional talent really being considered for this coveted civilian award? The answer would be a big 'No.'

Let us take the example of Pamulaparthi Venkata Narsimha Rao who was fondly known as PV. A low profile, astute political leader who dismantled the "Licence Raj" in 1991, PV was the author of the most radical measure which made India move away from the famous Industrial Policy of 1956 introduced by the then Prime Minister Pt Jawaharlal Nehru.

If India had today become a regional economic powerhouse, the credit certainly goes to our 'Telugu Bidda,' who in his inimitable silent style chose to move away from socialist economy steering the country from absolute economic crisis to a situation wherein in the country achieved a growth rate of six percent in 1990 and poverty rates had fallen by 10 percent. While Nehru strived to establish "socialistic pattern of society," PV unleashed private enterprise. Our leaders stop here while remembering him. But, the history of reforms unleashed by PV does not begin and end here. He is known for taking many revolutionary decisions and introducing various kinds of reforms as a Minister in State, Chief Minister and Union Minister. The now famous National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (NREGA) had its initial launch during PV's tenure as the Prime Minister.

In 1965, as a Minister, he introduced the open jail system for the first time in the State. The prisoners were given a chance to spend more time in the midst of nature and reform themselves. As Education Minister, between 1968 and 1971, he started government residential schools in the State and helped poor children get quality food and accommodation along with education.

As Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh in 1972, PV brought in the Andhra Pradesh Land Ceiling on Agricultural Holdings or the Land Reforms Bill. It was aimed at revolutionising the ownership of land system in AP. The Bill was meant to distribute 10 lakh acres of surplus land which was hitherto in the hands of landlords to the weaker sections, the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and the downtrodden for house sites and agricultural purposes.

The excerpts from the Assembly proceedings thrown enough light on what kind of a visionary he was and how deep he went into every subject and how he weighed every word he spoke in the Assembly as Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh.

While introducing this Bill, PV certainly exhibited his authority on number of aspects in the bill, touching upon various aspects of law and social justice. Replying to various questions raised in the Assembly, Rao described the nature of the land reforms and how it was likely to effect the "Stridhana" or the property held by a woman provided for in the "Dayabhage" and "Mitakshara" schools of law as amended by the Indian Succession Act of 1956. He said it would be presumed, that, "she is the absolute owner of the property until the contrary is proved. She does not have to prove, that, it is her property. Somebody else has to prove that, it is not her property." Thus, giving due accord to the rights of a woman is sometimes considered as part of the joint family property. In such cases, PVs concern was to protect such property from misinterpretation of law.

Rao also explained about due compensation to farmers who would lose holdings under the ceiling and those who would lose land under dam construction project. He said equity demands that such people should be treated differently. He said, "In the past, government land was extensively distributed to Harijans and Girijans and to the backward classes. But it is to be noted that the land so distributed was useless for agricultural purposes. Under the present scheme, the ultimate motive is to redistribute the acquired lands in between these classes. I expect you to take due cognizance of the fact raised just now and provide farmable lands to the needy."

Calling it as a radical approach, he said there were several logistics involved in this matter. He also expressed concern at how some had already begun to convert certain types of holding in top another kind so as to accrue benefit under the land acquisition laws.

On the question of implementation, he said, "I have started the implementation on May 2, 1972 when the first ordinance came. The ordinance was a preventive action so that implementation later on is not defeated."

Touching upon the aspect of tribunals that were proposed to be set up by the government to implement land reforms, he said case had been taken to constitute tribunals which will have members who are well educated and they would be in a state of ever readiness to tackle problems arising out of all possible facts. "I have taken the greatest risk. I could have appointed an RDO or a Munsif Magistrate and squarely place the blame on such an officer in case the reforms fail in any manner but if it falls today, nobody else is going to be blamed except myself and my government."

The present-day Chief Minsters need to take a leaf out of the conviction and courage PV had shown. The trend today unfortunately is to bulldoze the scheme and if it fails, blame it on officials or Opposition for going to courts and stalling the implementation. Hardly any Chief Minister is willing to indulge in introspection and take corrective measures. In fact, they are not even willing for proper debate on major policy matters. Just bulldoze since they have the majority is modern way of implementing schemes.

Rao had gone into minute details while explaining the land reforms. He said to avoid any communal bias, the family has been defined as a unit and it applies to all those who believe in marriage and those who marry and beget children. In other words, the family unit would consist of father, mother, minor sons and unmarried minor daughters." He was firm while replying to certain suggestions and said, "I am not going to put any provision for any Rao or any Mohammed or a Reddy." How many of the present-day Chief Ministers have the guts to say so?

PV, who knew the human psychology well, said that some people were resorting to collusive divorces. Hence this act says that in spite of divorce the property will be aggregated in the family in which the spouses belonged before the divorce. The current practice is that the ruling party with its absolute majority negates all amendments. But when Rao introduced the land reforms bill many amendments were made to it. When someone asked why so many amendments, he said, "The majority decides as to what shall be the law. The need for large scale amendments was envisaged for the said reason. If we do not follow this simple route, we will be leading from one inequity to another inequity. I promise unequivocally on the floor of the House, that, this legislation shall be carried into effects without a hitch or misdemeanour."

Thus, was quality of a statesman, a visionary leader. According to those who knew his mind or interacted with him, Narasimha Rao had many radical and innovative ideas for the State, but with his role cut short, the country gained more from him. If these achievements of a great leader are not sufficient to get him a Bharat Ratna, then it means that merit does not matter in decision making. Let's hope the Union government would confer Bharat Ratna on him this time.

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